How The Child Gender and The Parents Gender Affects the Play and Physical Activity Early and Preschool Age Children

Instrument

Učestalost pojave nepoželjnih oblika ponašanja ispitana je prigodnim upitnikom koji je osmišljen u svrhu provedbe istraživanja, a čestice su obuhvatile najučestalija nepoželjna ponašanja na satovima TZK-a: agresivnost, ometanje, neposlušnost u izvršavanju zadataka, slaba angažiranost i loša samodisciplina (Kretch, Kulinna i Cothran, 2010).  Tvrdnje unutar prigodnog upitnika ovog istraživanja podijeljene su na skale  na način  da je 6 tvrdnji procjenjivalo Skalu  nedoličnog verbalnog izražavanja, 8 tvrdnji Skalu agresivnost, 20 tvrdnji Skale odnosa prema autoritetima (unutar skale odnosa prema autoritetima  10 tvrdnji se odnosi na Skalu odnos prema učitelju i 10 tvrdnji se odnosi na Skalu odnos prema roditeljima), a 6 tvrdnji procjenjuje Skalu nemarnost prema obvezama (u školi i u obitelji). Sudionici istraživanja izražavali su učestalost pojave nepoželjnih ponašanja učenika na skali Likertovog tipa raspona od 1 do 5 (1 – nikad; 2 – rijetko; 3 – ponekad; 4 – često; 5 – uvijek). Kako bi se provjerila pouzdanost svake subskale provedena je eksploratorna faktorska analiza (EFA). Na temelju analize pouzdanosti može se zaključiti da je pouzdanost tipa unutrašnje konzistencije na tri subskale vrlo dobra (Skala nedolično verbalno izražavanje: crombach alpha= 0.86, Skala agresivnosti: crombach alpha = 0.79 i skala odnosa prema autoritetu - roditelju: crombach alpha = 0.79), odnosno prihvatljiva (Skala odnos prema autoritetu - učitelju: crombach alpha = 0.70 i Skala nemarnosti prema obavezama: crombach alpha = 0.71) , za cijeli upitnik chombachova alpha iznosi  0.86.girls

Razlike- urougher manifestacijamaplay nepoželjnihamong ponašanjagirls nainvolves skalamamore stalking obziromthan naamong spolboys. ispitanikaThe testiranescript suof tsuch testomplay za nezavisne uzorke. Rezultati su obrađeni u programskom paketu Statistika for Windows Statsoft 13.

Rezultati

Uzimajući u obzir rezultate prikazane u Tablici 1 vidljivo je kako se učenici u odnosu na učenice učestalije nedolično verbalno izražavaju (p=0.00). Učenici učestalije govore proste riječi dok igraju neke momčadske igre u slobodno vrijeme (p=0.03); na satu TZK-a (p=0,02) i za vrijeme velikog odmora (p=0.00) koriste češće pogrdna imena (p=0.00); ako ih netko ismijava češće govore proste riječi (p=0.00); više vole gledati filmove sa sportskim sadržajima u kojima se koriste proste riječi (p=0.00), a tijekom sportskih aktivnosti svoje osjećaje (npr. sreću, ljutnju, bol, strah, veselje, itd.) učestalije izražavaju prostim riječima (p=0.00) u odnosu na učenice.

Na Skali agresivnost (Tablica 2) rezultati ukazuju kako učenici manifestiraju agresivnije oblike nepoželjnog ponašanja u većoj mjeri od učenica (p=0.00). Učenici se učestalije potuku dok igraju neke momčadske igre u slobodnoj igri (p=0.00); na satu TZK (p=0.01) i za vrijeme velikog odmora (p=0.00); u sportskoj igri kada ih netko ismijava češće se potuku s njima (p=0.00); konfliktne situacije na satu TZK u većoj mjeri rješavaju „šakama“ (p=0.00); učestalije uništavaju dvoranu i sportske sprave i rekvizite (p=0.00) u odnosu na učenice.

Tablica 1

Rezultati razlika u manifestacijama nepoželjnih ponašanja na Skali nedoličnog verbalnog izražavanja s obzirom na spol učenika (N učenica = 104; N učenika = 95)

Legenda: AS 1 – aritmetička sredina učenica, AS 2 – aritmetička sredina učenika, SD1- aritmetička sredina učenica, AS2 – aritmetička sredina učenika; p – nivo značajnosti (<0.05)

Na Skali odnosa prema učitelju (Tablica 3) učenici ukazuju lošiji odnos prema učitelju u odnosu na učenice (p=0.01). Učenici u manjoj mjeri pažljivo slušaju što im učitelj govori (p=0.01); češće upadaju učitelju u riječ dok govori (p=0.00); u manjoj mjeri im se sviđaju razredna pravila te ih se manje i pridržavaju (p=0.03); češće se ponašaju na način kojigirls smeta drugim učenicima (p=0.03) u odnosu na učenice.

Na Skali odnosa prema roditeljima (Tablica 4) učenici ukazuju lošiji odnos prema roditeljima u odnosu na učenice (p=0.00). Učenici se u većoj mjeri suprotstavljaju roditeljima i odbijaju njihove zahtjeve i pravila (p=0.00); u većoj mjeri okrivljuju druge za svoje nesportske postupke (p=0.00); učestalije u razgovoru o svom nepoželjnom ponašanju na satu TZK-a drsko odgovaraju roditeljima (p=003); namjerno su manje aktivni na satu TZK-a da razbjesne roditelje (p=0.04); više se naljute na roditelje kada im ne žele kupiti nešto od sportske opreme (p=0.03) u odnosu na učenice.

Tablica 2

Rezultati razlika u manifestacijama nepoželjnih ponašanja na Skali agresivnosti s obzirom na spol učenika (N učenica = 104; N učenika = 95)

Legenda: AS 1 – aritmetička sredina učenica, AS 2 – aritmetička sredina učenika, SD1- aritmetička sredina učenica, AS2 – aritmetička sredina učenika; p – nivo značajnosti (<0.05)

Tablica 3

Rezultati razlika u manifestacijama nepoželjnih ponašanja na Skali odnosa prema učitelju s obzirom na spol učenika (N učenica = 104; N učenika = 95)

Legenda: AS 1 – aritmetička sredina učenica, AS 2 – aritmetička sredina učenika, SD1- aritmetička sredina učenica, AS2 – aritmetička sredina učenika; p – nivo značajnosti (<0.05)

Na Skali nemarnosti prema obvezama (Tablica 5) učenici ukazuju veću nemarnost prema obvezama u odnosu na učenice (p=0.00). Učenice u većoj mjeri redovito vježbaju motoričke zadatke (p=0.04), više uče o važnosti redovite tjelesne aktivnosti (p=0.04), učestalije same pripremaju opremu za sat TZK (p=0.00) i u manjoj mjeri zaboravljaju ponijeti sportsku opremu za sat TZK (p=0.01) u odnosu na učenike.

is

   typically based on care, protection and help, while the script in boys is mainly related to fighting

Tablicastrength 4

Rezultatiand razlikaare ubased manifestacijamaon nepoželjnihcurrent ponašanja na Skali odnosa prema roditeljima s obzirom na spol učenikamedia (Ne.g. učenicatelevision, =movies, 104;video N učenika = 95)

Legenda: AS 1 – aritmetička sredina učenica, AS 2 – aritmetička sredina učenika, SD1- aritmetička sredina učenica, AS2 – aritmetička sredina učenika; p – nivo značajnosti (<0.05)

Tablica 5

Rezultati razlika u manifestacijama nepoželjnih ponašanja na Skali nemarnost prema obavezama s obzirom na spol učenika (N učenica = 104; N učenika = 95)

Legenda: AS 1 – aritmetička sredina učenica, AS 2 – aritmetička sredina učenika, SD1- aritmetička sredina učenica, AS2 – aritmetička sredina učenika; p – nivo značajnosti (<0.05)games).

RaspravaIndependent play of boys and girls

UChildren ovom istraživanju je dokazano kako učenici mlađe školske dobi manifestiraju neke oblike nepoželjnih ponašanja te da su ona učestalija kod učenika u odnosu na učenice. Ovakvi rezultati u skladu su s rezultatima dosadašnjih istraživanja koji navode da dječaci manifestiraju nepoželjnija ponašanja u većoj mjeri od djevojčica (Kulinna i sur., 2006; Cothran i Kulinna, 2007; Granero-Gallegos i sur., 2016; Banos i sur., 2017; Glock i Kleen, 2017; Banos i sur., 2019; Granero-Gallegos i sur., 2020; Tounsi i sur., 2024). Ako se ove razlike promatraju s aspekta motivacije, a uzimajući u obzir dosadašnja istraživanja koja naglašavaju da su učenice su na satovima TZK-a više intrinzično motivirane (Barić, Vlašić, Cecić-Erpič; 2013), dobivene razlike provedenog istraživanja koje govore da učenice imaju manje manifestirana nepoželjna ponašanja u odnosu na učenike su očekivane. Uz navedeno, kao jedan od razloga zašto učenici pokazuju učestalije od učenica neke oblike neprihvatljivih ponašanja je i njihova  sklonost prema natjecanju i fizičkoj dominaciji koja je izraženija u odnosu na učenice (Glock i Kleen, 2017). Nadalje, jedan od uzroka pojave neprihvatljivih ponašanja na satu TZK-a je i motivacijska klima. Ukoliko je motivacijska klima na satu TZK-a usmjerena na demonstriranje individualne superiornosti u odnosu na ostale vršnjake ili na izbjegavanje pokazivanja nesposobnosti,  takva klima može dovesti do sukoba i neprilagođenog ponašanja među učenicima (Hansen i Rindgal, 2018; Manzano-Sánchez i sur., 2023). U kontekstu ciljne orijentacije na satu TZK-a učenici u odnosu na učenice pokazuju veću usmjerenost na rezultat (Alić, 2017) što može učenike dodatno usmjeriti na postizanje cilja bez razmišljanja na koji način će doći do toga cilja, prilagođenim ili neprilagođenim oblicima ponašanja.  Uz navedeno, dosadašnja istraživanja pokazuju da tijekom djetinjstva i adolescencije učenice imaju veću samokontrolu u odnosu na učenike iste dobi (Chapple, Vaske i Hope, 2010;  Duckworth i sur., 2015) pa će se vjerojatnijestick to odrazitistereotypical iplay naeven manjuthough učestalostadults pojavetry neprihvatljivih ponašanja na satu TZK-a.

Jedan od mogućih uzroka zašto secreate dječaci češće nedolično verbalno izražavaju je jer im ono omogućuje privlačenje pažnje na sebe i stvara im osjećaj moćnosti. Berry Brazelton i Sparrowequality (2013) ističu kako djeca mlađe školske dobi ponekad upotrebljavaju neprimjeren rječnik jer se osjećaju nesigurno pa im nedolično verbalno izražavanje predstavlja mehanizam privlačenja pažnje na sebe ili prikazivanja kao jačih i moćnijih nego što zbilja jesu. Dječaci često imaju potrebu vlastitog dokazivanja u situacijama suparništva među svojim vršnjacima pa im nedolično verbalno izražavanje može poslužiti kao paravan preko kojega se na „ljepši i kulturniji“ način svlada druga osoba (Mikić, Pehar i Mikić, 1999). Opić (2006) navodi kako ima situacija gdje fizički slabiji učenici preko svog individualnog načina komuniciranja, u ovom slučaju nedoličnog verbalnog izražavanja, nastoje pokazati vlastitu moć, dominaciju ili jasno odrediti svoj status unutar vršnjačke grupe. Nadalje, u ovom istraživanju su dobivene izraženije manifestacije nepoželjnih ponašanja na skali agresivnosti kod dječaka u odnosu na djevojčice što je u skladu s rezultatima dosadašnjih istraživanja (Tounsi, 2024). Mogući razlog je što česticama skale agresivnost nisu obuhvaćene tvrdnje koje bi se odnosile na socijalnu agresivnost a dosadašnja istraživanja upućuju da je takav oblik učestaliji kod djevojčica (Juul, 2018). Uz navedeno, uvažavajući biološko- fiziološke teorije etiologije agresivnosti, moguće je da dječaci u većoj mjeri manifestiraju agresivno ponašanje jer pokazuju viši stupanj impulzivnosti, prkosniji temperament, strože mjere discipliniranja od strane roditelja te veći negativan utjecaj vršnjaka u odnosu na djevojčice. Agresivnost, kao manifestacija nepoželjnog ponašanja, veliki je problem školskih sustava na globalnoj razini te mnogi pokušaji pedagoškog djelovanja tj. prevencije, ne donose poželjne rezultate (Zrilić,Änggård, 2011). NamećeThe seplay zaključakliterature kakoindicates jedinorecognizable zajedničkopatterns djelovanjeof svihchildren's zaštitnihgender čimbenikapreferences nepoželjnihfor ponašanjachildren's djecetoys možeand doprinijeti smanjenju učestalosti pojave istih. Kada se promatraju rezultati dobiveni u ovom istraživanju na skalama odnosa prema autoritetimaactivities (učiteljuEdwards iet roditeljima)al., vidljivo2001) jewhen kakoplaying učenici imaju više problema od učenica u prihvaćanju autoriteta. Bitno je naglasiti da unatoč tomu, i učitelji i roditelji trebaju postavi jasna pravila ponašanja, kako u razredu, tako i u obiteljskom okruženju i u slobodno vrijeme, ali i jasno definirati što će se dogoditi ako se ta pravila krše (Raguž, 2016). Kada se govori o odnosu prema autoritetima najčešće manifestacije nepoželjnih ponašanja učenika se isplovljavaju kao: prkos, nemarnost, neposluh, nedisciplina i laganje. Uzelac (1995) navodi kako se razlikuju dva oblika prkosnog ponašanja: otvoreni i prikriveni prkos. Otvoreni prkos se, primjerice u sportskom kontekstu, može očitovati kao otvoreno odbijanje udovoljavanju zahtjeva prilikom, na primjer, izvršavanja postavljenih motoričkih zadataka, napadi bijesa uslijed lošeg postignutog rezultata na sportskom natjecanju, nekontrolirano bacanje sportskih rekvizita i slično. Prikriveni prkos može se manifestirati kao nedovoljno tjelesno vježbanje, izbjegavanje dodatnog uvježbavanja motoričkih zadataka te indiferentnost na „kazne“ koje se izriču kod, primjerice, nepoštivanja sportskih pravila kao što je diskvalifikacija sa sportskog natjecanja. Bitno je istaknuti kako je obiteljsko okruženje ključni kontekst u kojem učenici oblikuju sliku o interpersonalnim odnosima i kreiraju vlastite obrasce socijalnih interakcija. Iz tog razloga odgoj  u obitelji može predstavljati učinkovitu zaštitu djeteta od manifestacije njihova nepoželjnog ponašanja u toj dobi (Raboteg-Šarić i Brajša-Žganec, 2001). Rezultati ovog istraživanja ukazuju kako su dječaci nemarniji i površniji prema obavezama i osobnim stvarima u odnosu na djevojčice. U cilju smanjenja nemarnosti kod učenika, Opić (2007) smatra kako je potrebno izvršiti opservaciju i identifikaciju nemarnog ponašanja, potom provesti metodičku prilagodbu,in a nagender-equal krajugroup izvršitiand kontroluindependently. iThere nadzoris ia usmjeravanjetendency nemarnihfor učenikagirls uand različiteboys aktivnosti.

Doprinos provedenog istraživanja očituje se u činjenici da se radi o prvom istraživanju u Hrvatskoj koje je imalo za cilj identifikaciju nepoželjnih ponašanja učenika mlađe školske dobi na satovima TZK-a. Rezultati mogu predstavljati polazište na osnovu kojega bi se u budućnosti mogle provoditi intervencije s ciljem redukcije pojavnosti takvih oblika ponašanja. Uz navedeno, rezultati istraživanja naglašavaju da se prilikom rješavanja nepoželjnih situacija treba usmjeriti dodatna pažnja na dječake koji učestalije manifestiraju nepoželjna ponašanja. Mora se istaknuti da istraživanje ima određene nedostatke u vidu kvalitetnijeg odabira mjernog instrumenta s detaljnijom psihometrijskom analizom, te većim odabirom broja ispitanika kako bi se dobiveni zaključci mogli generalizirati. U budućim istraživanjima bilo bi interesantno istražiti što doprinosiprefer igender-typical uactivities kojojwhen mjeriplaying naalone pojavu(Goble nepoželjnihet ponašanjaal., na2012). satovimaPreschool TZK-a.girls participate in female activities significantly more than male activities when playing alone, and boys participate in male activities significantly more than female activities when playing alone (Goble et al., 2012). When children play alone, they show a preference for gender-typical activities, but opportunities can be created to expose them to a wider range of activities, especially activities that are the opposite of stereotypes, when interacting with others (Goble et al., 2012).

ZaključakDifferences in father's and mother's play with child

NepoželjnaFathers' ponašanjaplay učenikais tijekomenergetic provedbe(Bokony kinezioloških& aktivnostiPatrick, sastavni2009) suand dioat svakodnevnogthe odgojno-obrazovnogsame radatime učiteljathey show a tendency to involve the child in interaction without objects that is physical and stimulating, as well as in unpredictable or idiosyncratic play, while mothers participate in teaching and talking with the child and primarily participate in visual play with subjects in order to attract and maintain their children's attention (Paquette, 2004). Mothers will be more involved in didactic (encouraging the child to engage in and understand the environment; providing opportunities for observing, learning and imitating behavior) and physical play when their child has greater self-control of emotions and behavior (Schoppe-Sullivan et al., 2013). Mothers participate more in pretend play with children than fathers do, and they encourage pretend play more in girls than in boys (Lindsey et al., 1997; Paquette, 2004), they primarily participate in cognitive play with objects, role playing (Paquette, 2004 ), are generally more cautious, use more speech than fathers (Paquette et al., 2003 according to Bokony & Patrick, 2009). Fathers tend to excite, surprise and momentarily destabilize the child during play (Bokony & Patrick, 2009), which can stimulate the development of the ability to decode other people's emotional states and clearly encode their own emotional signals (Carson et al., 1993 according to Paquette, 2004).

Table 2

Differences in the way and preferences of mothers and fathers during play with their child (Bokony & Patrick, 2009; Lindsey et al., 1997; Paquette, 2004; Schoppe-Sullivan et al., 2013)

It should also be pointed out that not all studies have found differences in mother's and father's play with sons and daughters (Lindsey et al., 1997), there are certain contradictions. Most of the differences between mothers and fathers are not large: both parents encourage visual exploration, object manipulation, focus on relationships between objects, and cause and effect, with fathers doing this differently than mothers (Paquette, 2004). In general, fathers generally perform the same activities as mothers (e.g. reading, playing with toys, showing affection), but are more natural/physical, tease more, and talk less (Bokony & Patrick, 2009). While teasing, the father maintains a sense of safety and security and encourages problem solving and teaches the child to face unexpected situations (Bokony & Patrick, 2009).

The differences between fathers' and mothers' play with children are very small, which is actually reflected in the way individual parents approach a certain type of play.

Does the father or mother participate more in physical play with the child?

The literature states that the father's involvement in caring for the child is higher in the preschool period than in other periods of the child's life (Bretherton et al., 2005). One of the most interesting results of empirical research showed that fathers are proportionally more involved in physical play than in other aspects of parenting and child care, while the opposite was true for mothers (Paquette, 2004; Bokony & Patrick, 2009; Bretherton et al., 2005; Leavell et al., 2012; Schoppe-Sullivan et al., 2013). The father's physical play with the child contributes to the development of the child's connection with his father (Paquette, 2004). In addition to being involved, fathers are more likely to encourage physical play with infants, early and preschool children (Bretherton et al., 2005), which is confirmed by the mothers themselves, who mostly describe fathers as those who involve the child in more active, physical play and/or activities and playing outdoors (Bretherton et al., 2005). Physical play is important to men because it stems from their childhood experiences (Sandberg & Pramling-Samuelsson, 2005). Through physical play in the early years, fathers can encourage the value characteristics of masculinity and athleticism (Hill, 2005 according to Leavell et al., 2012) and therefore have more influence in shaping the child's involvement in sports (Lewko & Greendorfer, 1988 according to Brustad, 1993). Fathers have been found to have stronger gender stereotyped behaviors and attitudes and encourage more gender-typed play than mothers (Leavell et al., 2012).

Speaking about play, especially contact play in the home and play outside, fathers and mothers consider it a special aspect of the father-child bond (Bretherton et al., 2005). Therefore, it is quite possible that the father-child bond primarily develops through physical games (Paquette, 2004). As opposed to the "father-child activational relationship", which satisfies the child's need to be stimulated, to overcome limits, to learn to take chances in conditions where the child is confident that will be protected from potential danger, the mother-child attachement relationship (satisfaction of basic needs) enables the child to be calm (Paquette, 2004). The same author further states that the mother-child connection is primarily developed in the context of child care, while the activation connection can theoretically develop in different parental contexts.

There is also evidence to the contrary. Stevenson et al. (1988 according to Lindsey et al., 1997) found that there is no significant difference between the involvement of mothers and fathers in physical play with children of early and preschool age. Furthermore, Hinkley (2011) found that mothers are actually more involved in physical play with children. The research showed that one third of mothers (31.3%) and one quarter of fathers (24.8%) are physically active every day with their child. Mothers are significantly more active with their children (sons and daughters) of preschool age than fathers and at the same time provide them with significantly more emotional support because they are physically active than fathers do (Hinkley, 2011). According to Veitch, Robinson, Ball and Salmon (2006), the reason for this could be that mothers typically take primary care of the child and therefore can have a greater influence on the child's active free and physical play.

Although it was determined that there is no difference between the involvement of mothers and fathers in physical play, or that mothers participate in physical play more than fathers, there is a much larger body of research that found that fathers participate significantly more in physical play with their children than mothers. From the above, it could be stated that there are no differences in involvement, however, if we take into account the psychological and biological differences between men and women and look at everyday practice (and a larger number of studies), we can say with greater certainty that fathers still participate more in physical play with children. For fathers, this form of play is more natural and accessible. Lindsey et al. (1997) found that early and preschool children's physical play with their father and mother is positively related, which means that children who participate a lot in physical play with their fathers, comparatively, also participate a lot in physical play with their mothers. Furthermore, another study found that mothers were more engaged and involved in physical play with their child when their partners were more involved in physical play (Schoppe-Sullivan et al., 2013). The aforementioned two studies show that fathers are the ones who encourage not only children's physical play, but also encourage mothers to engage in physical play with their children.

Physical play of parents with daughters and sons

When fathers spend time with their sons, they are more involved in physical play and read less books than when they are with their daughters (Leavell et al., 2012). Fathers participate more in physical play with their preschool age sons than with daughters (Lindsey et al., 1997; Paquette, 2004), which is consistent with the dominant characteristics of fathers as teammates and boys as play partners (Leavell et al., 2012; Paquette, 2004). High levels of participation in physical play by fathers of boys may reflect early socialization processes that encourage “typically” male behaviors (Leavell et al., 2012). Research also shows that mothers are more engaged and involved in physical play with their sons (see Schoppe-Sullivan et al., 2013).

Children, especially boys, prefer physical play with either parent in any form, however, they seem to be more satisfied during physical play with their fathers (Ross and Taylor, 1989 according to Paquette, 2004). The above may be the reason why fathers play more physical games with their sons because there is a mutual "interest" in satisfying such a way of playing. It is expected that high-quality physical play between father and child will be indicative of more emotional/sensitive parental discipline and will facilitate the child's obedience, especially boys (Paquette, 2004). Research has established that the more fathers play with children up to 14 months of age, the child achieves higher cognitive and language results at 24 months of age (Bokony and Patrick, 2009), from which it follows that fathers' physical play with young children increases their cognitive and language development ( Roggman et al., 2002 according to Bokony and Patrick, 2009). In addition, parent-child physical play is associated with the child's motor development (Paquette, 2004).

Gaining new experiences during the game (father vs mother)

Father and child jointly share pleasure in excitement and curiosity that leads their child to new experiences and acquisition of new skills (Bretherton et al., 2005). Fathers seem to prefer exciting activities for children, while mothers favor quiet activities, causing infants to respond to fathers with more excitement than to mothers because fathers develop an enhanced, exciting, and playful attachment to them (Yogman, 1994 according to Paquette, 2004). For a woman, it is important to create good relationships, while men are concentrated on what they do with the child and how the children do it (Sandberg & Pramling-Samuelsson, 2005).

Exploring and trying new skills (e.g. climbing rocks, jumping from tall structures, using sharp tools) is not always without risk even in the presence of parents (Bretherton et al., 2005). As partners in play, fathers enjoy one-on-one interaction and encourage the child's curiosity, but serve as protectors (Bretherton et al., 2005). When a preschool child wants to try potentially risky activities, fathers combine their protective role with allowing or encouraging the child to participate in attempts to master them (Bretherton et al., 2005). They actually adjust their protective and encouraging behavior to the child's level of boldness and timidity (Bretherton et al., 2005). Fathers act as "risk" catalysts, encouraging the child to take the initiative in unfamiliar situations, to explore, take risks, overcome obstacles (Paquette, 2004) and to exceed their physical limits - run faster, climb higher, jump further (Bokony and Patrick, 2009). In this way, fathers provide children with new experiences, companionship, knowledge and advice during these experiences (Hewlett, 1992 according to Schoppe-Sullivan et al., 2013). With a competent father, this can lead to independence, self-reliance and self-control in the child (National Head Start Training and Technical Assistance Resource Center, 2004 according to Bokony & Patrick, 2009). Fathers' sensitivity when engaging in challenging play with their 2-year-olds may predict child self-confidence and trust in others during adolescence (Bretherton et al., 2005).

According to Iveković (2017a), compared to mothers (34% vs 23%), fathers would significantly encourage children aged 0-4 years to do risky things because they think that life is less dangerous. Bretherton et al. (2005) state that many fathers would try to be as permissive/adaptable as possible when their preschool child wanted to overcome a new challenge, beyond what they consider an unnecessary risk. The above are fathers' attitudes towards risk and risky situations in general, at the level of theory. When these attitudes are "tested" in practice, i.e. in concrete life situations, disagreements in attitudes and possible concrete actions of fathers can be observed. Therefore, if the child were to engage in a risky situation, the majority of fathers (45%; of 15 boys and 7 girls) would explain why the activity is dangerous (risky) and would forbid it (Bretherton et al., 2005). The reason for this is that few fathers have learned to trust their child's judgments ("she is aware of her abilities") (Bretherton et al., 2005: 244).  If it was just a bump, bruise or slight fall, about one-third of the 22 fathers said they let their child try the activity; the remaining second third would compromise by suggesting a similar activity that would be slightly less risky (e.g. asking a child to jump from the sixth step of the stairs rather than the eighth, to wear a helmet while performing bicycle tricks, or to give instructions while standing ready to intervene) (Bretherton et al., 2005). In addition, Iveković (2017a) determined that fathers, compared to mothers of children aged 0-4 years, will be less likely to enable children to perform certain motor activities (e.g. jumping from a step or height of 50 cm, climbing on a chair, descending from beds, climbing and going down the slide) and certain situations in the game. In the same research, out of 33 particles from the survey, fathers had a more favorable attitude on 12 particles, and mothers on 21 particles, which turned out to be a statistically significant difference (Iveković, 2017b). The results of the previous research show that mothers would allow children 0-4 years of age a certain type of play and certain physical activities more than fathers.

Conclusion

Understanding the differences in the way and choice of play of children of different genders of early and preschool age, as well as understanding the patterns of engagement of mothers and fathers around children, is important for encouraging the positive involvement of parents in playing with the child and in all other aspects of raising the child. Every game with a child is a good game, if in those moments the parent dedicates himself completely - without cell phones and TV - only to his child. Games do not always have to be structured in nature, but can also be spontaneous, so that the child's initiative is followed, which the parent builds on with their own ideas. In those moments, the emotional connection of the child with the parent occurs, which opens the door for learning and teaching the child. It is important that both parents play with their child at home and outside in the open because, as can be seen from the aforementioned research, each parent brings their own way of playing that will enrich the child's experience and thus affect different aspects of the child's development (emotional, social, motor and cognitive). If fathers spend more time participating in play and mothers in nurturing, children receive strong messages about the roles of men and women in the family community. When both parents participate in the game with the child, then the child improves and builds on his ideas in the game even more because he receives a different stimulus from each parent. Then the game stops being stereotypical and becomes playfully creative. Therefore, when both parents are engaged in playing with the child, but also in other aspects of the child's upbringing, then the child does not create stereotypical frameworks that can be a limiting factor in his involvement in his own family later in life.

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